Gender, Work and Community After De-Industrialisation: A by Valerie Walkerdine, Luis Jimenez (auth.)

By Valerie Walkerdine, Luis Jimenez (auth.)

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A large proportion of its residents experience multiple and interconnected disadvantages, such as being raised in poverty or council care, poor health, low educational achievement and high levels of unemployment (ONS, 2010). The long history of community support and trade unionism provided a strong base for a mutualist rather than individualised way of doing things. Indeed, we can say that strong commitment to mutual support and lack of desire to be better than others was a strong aspect of the working-class ethic, which helped the inhabitants deal with the situation in which they found themselves and fight for better conditions for all.

She attributed this to her feeling that her father expected high standards and that she never felt good enough. What is important in this situation is that she described the way in which her bosses constantly gave her more and more work because, it appears, she was capable of and willing to give 150 per cent. In other words, she was coping with amounts of work that are well beyond the bounds of a working week, but rather than talk about exploitation, she talked about her psychological history. Thus, the relation between the secretary and her bosses was figured in terms of a narrative of her need for high standards on the basis of childhood experiences with her father.

In preferring the term ‘advanced liberalism’ over neoliberalism, Rose (1996, 1999) signals the ways in which neoliberalism is not so much a ‘new’ form of liberal government, as we have seen, but rather a hybrid, refigured or intensified form. His genealogical account of advanced liberalism avoids thinking in terms of a simple succession ‘in which one style of government supersedes and effaces its predecessor’ (1999, p. 142). Rather, he observes the ways in which forms of governance became more complex, opening up new lines of power and truth.

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