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29. Thießen, Eingebrannt, pp. 67–70. 30. , pp. 61–71. 31. Groehler, ‘Kleine Geschichte’, p. 139; Neutzner, ‘Vom Anklagen’, p. 139. 32. Jörg Arnold, ‘In “Quiet Remembrance”? The Allied Air War and Urban Memory Cultures in Kassel and Magdeburg’, 1940–95 (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Southampton, 2007), pp. 108–24; Stadtarchiv Darmstadt [StADa] 1c. 1944/Brandnacht: Gedenkfeiern bis 1969; C. ” Der Bombenkrieg als Trauma der Stadtgeschichte’, in B. Fraisl and M. Stromberger (eds), Stadt und Trauma.
18. Cannadine, ‘War and Death’, pp. 196–202. 19. R. Koselleck and M. Jeismann (eds), Der politische Totenkult. Kriegerdenkmäler in der Moderne (Munich, 1994), pp. 9–50. 20. G. L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York and Oxford, 1990). 21. S. Behrenbeck, Der Kult um die toten Helden. Nationalsozialistische Mythen, Riten und Symbole (Vierow bei Greifswald, 1996), p. 525. Jörg Arnold 35 22. Hoe, ‘Sie sind unsterblich geworden’, Magdeburgische Zeitung, 10 August 1944, p.
15 In addition to the scale of the slaughter, there was the nature of the killing. In urban communities such as Kassel, Heilbronn, Würzburg, or Dresden, the death toll did not result from a process of gradual accumulation but from single raids whose duration could be measured in minutes. The consequence was a compression of mass killing into a very brief period of time. 17 Although the profound shock over the return of mass death is most commonly associated with the mass slaughter of soldiers on the Western Front in the First World War,18 non-combatant death in the air war posed a challenge that was qualitatively different.