By Carmina Brittain
Brittain reports how chinese language and Mexican immigrant scholars alternate information regarding their reports and perceptions of yank colleges. She considers 3 particular instances: ahead of immigration, upon access to the united states, and after many years of dwelling within the U.S. and attending U.S. colleges. problems with educational calls for, rate of schooling, worth of the English language, social struggles, and racial confrontations are topics that those scholars check with their co-nationals. Her findings spotlight the fears and realities of racial discrimination, expectancies of decrease educational criteria in the United States, and the original methods the scholars' assorted cultural backgrounds form their responses to immigration.
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Additional info for Transnational Messages: Experiences of Chinese and Mexican Immigrants in American Schools
Entrepreneurs and politicians). , working class immigrants). The agendas of the transnational elite may seek to reproduce the inequalities in the social structure of the community of origin because this structure aids in securing economic and political opportunities for those in powerful positions, but not for those outside the transnational elite (Guarnizo, 1998). Cultural Capital Besides social capital, transnational social spaces have been involved in the production of culture by creating a space where individuals can be exposed to the cultural heritage of their communities of origin.
S. for new immigrants from the community of origin. While the mobilization of financial resources is significant within transnational social spaces, Portes (1996a) has identified that most of the resources that flow within transnational social spaces are social and cultural in nature. Peggy Levitt (1998) has described these forms of social and cultural capital as social remittances. These sociocultural resources in turn can provide access to economic and political benefits in terms of social and cultural capital required to access these benefits (Portes, 1996a).
Most of these urban immigrants migrated as individuals for short periods of time, during periods of economic recession in Mexico. In contrast, rural immigrants migrated as extended family units for longer periods of time, sometimes permanently. Roberts, Frank, and Lozano-Ascencio (1999) considered that “Mexico City migrants do not constitute a transnational migrant community. The weakness of their group bonds means that they do not see themselves collectively as a transnational migrant community” (p.